From 1975 to 1990, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the four national leaders Tajuddin Ahmad, Syed Nazrul Islam, Captain Mansur Ali and AHM Qamaruzzaman were largely erased from Bangladesh’s political discourse.
From 1975 to 1990, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the four national leaders Tajuddin Ahmad, Syed Nazrul Islam, Captain Mansur Ali and AHM Qamaruzzaman were largely erased from Bangladesh’s political discourse.
Their brutal assassinations in 1975 marked the beginning of a deliberate effort by successive militia-led regimes to suppress the legacy of these that had been instrumental in shaping the nation’s independence.
Nonetheless, with the restoration of democracy in the Nineties, in particular at some stage in Sheikh Hasina’s most most recent 16-year tenure because the head of the Awami League authorities between 2009 and 2024, Mujib used to be elevated to advance-legendary field because the “Father of the Nation.” His contributions were favorite, in most cases with embellishments that cemented his assign in history.
In stark disagreement, Tajuddin Ahmad and his compatriots, who were murdered internal Dhaka Central Penal complicated on 3 November 1975, remained largely sidelined, their pivotal roles in the Liberation War acknowledged exclusively in passing.
On the present time, Bangladesh finds itself at a crossroads, with an different to reassess its history via a extra nuanced and objective lens. A extreme ask arises: Might per chance the nation have finished independence in precisely 9 months in 1971, following Mujib’s arrest on 25 March, without the leadership of Tajuddin Ahmad?
Almost certainly considerable extra crucially, how and why did such an indispensable determine later change into marginalised?
To mumble these solutions, we must return in time reflecting on the years that preceded and formed the events of 1971 and beyond.
Tajuddin’s political creep started with his inspiring participation in the language movement of 1952, which laid the root for Bangali nationalism. Then, as a well informed organiser and a dedicated recommend for democratic ideals, he emerged as a pioneer in strengthening and mobilising the Awami League.
His relationship with Mujib, which dated help to their days in the Muslim League, deepened enormously after 1964, as Tajuddin emerged as Mujib’s appropriate-hand man.
His affect used to be an important in shaping the political landscape of East Pakistan, considerable extra so after the Six-Level Stream of 1966, a landmark initiative whereby he performed a key position in drafting.
The Six-Level Stream called for better autonomy for East Pakistan and grew to alter into the manifesto of Bangali resistance to the oppressive West Pakistani regime. While it garnered long-established reinforce in East Pakistan, it used to be strongly adverse by the militia junta in West Pakistan, resulting in the persecution of Awami League leaders.
Tajuddin Ahmad used to be arrested on 8 Might per chance objective 1966, for championing the Six-Level requires, and he remained imprisoned unless 12 February 1969.
Meanwhile, in 1968, whereas Tajuddin used to be amassed in jail, the injurious Agartala Conspiracy Case resulted in the arrest of Sheikh Mujib and other prominent East Pakistani leaders, sparking a mass uprising that forced the authorities into negotiations.
Upon his beginning, Tajuddin joined other Awami League leaders in talks with the Ayub regime to accurate Mujib’s beginning. Mujib used to be someway launched on 23 February 1969.
Following this, Ayub Khan resigned, and the fresh President, Yahya Khan, promised the first overall election in Pakistan’s history.
The 1970 overall election marked a turning point for Tajuddin. His at the help of-the-scenes efforts helped the Awami League accurate a landslide victory, atmosphere the stage for a dissimilarity with the Pakistani establishment.
With Mujib now the undisputed chief of the Bangali field off, Tajuddin persisted to supply indispensable reinforce as a strategist and confidant.
Nonetheless, despite Mujib’s overwhelming electoral victory, West Pakistan’s militia regime, led by Licensed Yahya Khan used to be unwilling to switch energy to him. This refusal to honour the election outcomes deepened the political disaster, leading to extra tensions and someway atmosphere the stage for the events of 1971.
This used to be when Tajuddin all every other time rose to the occasion, as he had consistently done in times of disaster.
By mid-March 1971, political stress in Pakistan had reached a boiling point. As Licensed Yahya Khan fascinating to talk about about with Dhaka for an important negotiations, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto ominously remarked, “The most lethal man in the Awami League is Tajuddin.”
When the Pakistani militia launched “Operation Searchlight” on 25 March 1971, unleashing a brutal crackdown in East Pakistan, Mujib used to be arrested and introduced to West Pakistan.
Within the following chaos, it used to be Tajuddin who emerged because the chief to bear the vacum. Fleeing to India, he established the Provisional Government of Bangladesh in exile, famously is named the Mujibnagar Government, on 17 April 1971, with Tajuddin himself assuming the position of High Minister.
From his depressed in India, Tajuddin worked tirelessly to organise the battle efforts. He united political factions, secured international reinforce, and meticulously managed the practicing and deployment of the Mukti Bahini (freedom warring parties).
His collaboration with Indian High Minister Indira Gandhi used to be every other hallmark of his leadership. He persuaded Gandhi to lengthen no longer exclusively militia reinforce but additionally humanitarian abet to hundreds and hundreds of Bangali refugees.
His diplomatic abilities were instrumental in securing Indian reinforce for the liberation fight, emphasising that whereas they sought aid, they didn’t need narrate militia intervention.
Nonetheless, Tajuddin’s leadership at some stage in the Liberation War used to be viewed by some as a deviation from Mujib’s political directives, which were intended to handbook the nation in his absence.
Nonetheless whilst divisions at some stage in the Awami League created tensions, Tajuddin thinking relating to the shared impartial of reaching Bangladesh’s independence. He additionally performed a key position in securing financial reinforce from the Bangali diaspora, which helped withhold the battle effort.
After the independence of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971, Tajuddin Ahmad’s position shifted from being the High Minister of the Mujibnagar Government to serving as Finance and Planning Minister in the newly-formed authorities. His focal point used to be on put up-battle reconstruction, economic vogue, and rebuilding a shattered nation.
The challenges were mountainous. Tajuddin worked tirelessly to assign Bangladesh’s first 5-year conception, aimed at addressing meals insecurity, unemployment, and industrial vogue. He advocated for nationalisation, and worked closely with international donors to accurate abet for the battle-torn nation.
For the time being, because the dynamics of put up-independence politics extra and additional centred spherical Mujib, his relationship with Tajuddin began to fray.
Despite Tajuddin’s true makes an are attempting to existing the developments that had resulted in the formation of the Mujibnagar Government, he used to be never in a field to exclusively transient Mujib. This lack of communication field the stage for the rising estrangement between the 2 men.
What damage Tajuddin the most used to be the continuous narrate marketing and marketing campaign in opposition to him, which persisted even after the battle ended.
His critics weren’t limited to the Mujib Bahini—these younger revolutionaries who had helped form the resistance but had resisted being positioned below the authority of the Mujibnagar Government.
Tajuddin’s opponents additionally included distinguished figures from at some stage in the authorities, corresponding to Khondokar Moshtaque, who used to be part of the supreme-soar faction.
As Commerce Minister, Moshtaque had his grievances with Tajuddin, the most critical being Tajuddin’s choice to invent the authorities-in-exile on his hang and appoint himself High Minister at some stage in the battle.
There used to be anticipation at some stage in the Mujibnagar Government for Mujib to talk about about with Meherpur, where the provisional authorities had been established, but that talk about about with never materialised. For loads of, this symbolised the rising rift between the Mujib and his wartime chief.
As Tajuddin watched the nation fight after independence, his frustrations exclusively mounted, as Mujib’s leadership type grew to alter into extra autocratic. Tajuddin’s choice for a extra democratic, inclusive components stumbled on itself at odds with the rising centralisation of energy below Mujib.
The 1974 famine used to be a national embarrassment, no longer exclusively for the authorities but for the world to peep. In conjunction with corruption and administrative dysfunction, it exposed deep cracks in the fledgling tell—cracks that every Mujib and Tajuddin tried but failed to restore.
The total instruct in Bangladesh used to be fraught with instability. After which came the final nail in the coffin on 13 October 1974.
Returning home after an legit foreign tour, Tajuddin publicly criticised the authorities’s policies, acknowledging the failure of the economy. This unprecedented public critique of Mujib’s leadership marked the beginning of his downfall.
Despite long-established expectations that he would resign, Tajuddin held out for Mujib to grasp the initiative. On 26 October, Mujib despatched Tajuddin a terse letter requesting his resignation from the cabinet as Finance Minister for the final public hobby. Tajuddin complied.
Soon after, Mujib’s creation of Baksal (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League) in January 1975 effectively curtailed political opposition and consolidated energy below one-occasion rule, extra keeping aside Tajuddin and others who favoured a extra pluralistic components.
Tranquil, Tajuddin’s loyalty to Mujib prevailed above all the pieces else.
In unhurried July 1975, he obtained a desperate name from a depended on supply, warning him of a conspiracy to assassinate Mujib. Performing snappy, Tajuddin made his components to 32 Dhanmondi to enlighten the message. Despite his urgency, Mujib disregarded the warning, assuring him there used to be no field off for peril and sending him home.
Handiest a fortnight later, on 15 August 1975, the unthinkable came about. Mujib and most of his family were killed in a brutal coup.
Following this, Tajuddin used to be straight positioned below condo arrest. On 22 August, he and other senior Awami League leaders were arrested and despatched to Dhaka Central Penal complicated. On 3 November, every other coup used to be staged by every other faction of the navy.
On that dark day, performing on the orders of President Moshtaque, Tajuddin Ahmed and three other imprisoned leaders were brutally killed at some stage in the jail. This tragic tournament is etched in Bangladesh’s history as “Penal complicated Killing Day.”
This marked the heartbreaking conclude of a appropriate hero of our independence. Sadly, injurious politics fueled by an insatiable hunger for energy and recognition—reduced someone as distinguished as Tajuddin Ahmed to a mere footnote in our history for some distance too long.
It is excessive time we field the file straight and work toward building the next future.
